Saturday, 18 September 2010

Part 10: REVOLUTION

"Nothing, nothing but war, war without mercy, will lead to any solution." - Peter Kropotkin
"The passion for destruction is also a creative passion." - Mikhail Bakunin
"That which is falling, should also be pushed." - Friedrich Nietzsche
"The future belongs to the few of us still willing to get our hands dirty." - Joseph Tommasi
"We must engage with passion in the immediate strife." - Herbert Read

THE precise meaning of the word 'revolution' is often highly contested. It can mean a violent overthrow of the existing order, or perhaps a sudden break with current trends. The fact that revolution contains the root word 'revolve', meanwhile, indicates that it also relates to a return of some kind. Think of the way that a compass takes a pencil back to its original starting point, for example. For us, there are several definitions surrounding the word 'revolution' and each of them have an important role to play in their own right.

Most revolutions that have taken place throughout history have led to a cruel and systematic betrayal of ordinary men and women. Millions have lost their lives and many others cynically used to overthrow a crooked ruling class on behalf of an equally corrupt and jealous bourgeoisie. National-Anarchists are vigorously opposed to the artificial injustices of the enforced class system and believe, not in Marxist 'equality' and 'egalitarianism', but in a natural meritocracy that adequately reflects the true nature of the individual and his role in society.

There have been many positive examples of revolutionary activity, among them the Luddites of 1812, the Swing Riots and Tolpuddle Martyrs of the 1830s, the co-operative movement established by the Rochdale Pioneers, Robert Owen's communal experiments in both Scotland and America, the French Commune of 1871 and the agricultural co-operatives which were set up by Anarchists during the Spanish Civil War of the mid-1930s. Those on the Left try to claim these revolutionary currents for their own, but they do not have a monopoly when it comes to fighting against capitalism and, as we discussed earlier on, they often bring about capitalism in a slightly modified form. The examples mentioned above are part of a long tradition of struggle and National-Anarchism is the latest in a long line of genuine revolutionary currents that seek to bring about political self-expression, economic freedom and social justice.

Although we have already discussed various ways in which National-Anarchists can engage in revolutionary activity within the belly of the beast, so to speak, right here in the West, we also support the strategy of revolution on the periphery. In other words, we believe that revolutionary groups in the Third World are leading the way in the struggle against capitalist greed and exploitation. We therefore offer our critical support to all groups and organisations that fight on the frontline against the so-called New World Order and who seek to retain or reclaim their economic independence or racial and cultural identity. It is important to remember that revolution in the West is an extremely risky affair, at least if people try to arm themselves and take on the Establishment at this stage in the game. Direct armed resistance in the Third World, however, helps to weaken the globalist core because it either prevents or slows down the export of crops, minerals and various other resources to the West. At present, the West is able to buy off the corrupt leaders of Third World governments - many of whom have been plunged into debt through war and excessive borrowing - so that African and Asian resources are sent abroad at the point of a gun. This obviously results in starvation and misery for the indigenous people. But if the West finds it increasingly difficult to extract what it wants from the countries on the periphery, it will begin to wither and die in the way that the old Roman Empire began to collapse as a result of being overstretched in a perpetual quest for foreign territory, manpower and natural resources. Anything which weakens the West, therefore, must be good for those of us living beneath the jackboot of international capitalism and who desire real change.

The task we have set ourselves is a great one. The fight for culture, identity and economic self-determination is a cause that gives us a great sense of purpose and destiny. And yet, for those who are called to this fight in the immediate future, we can only offer a long and difficult road which is often characterised by disappointment and pain. Due to the fact that the path of the revolutionary is so difficult, many who join us simply fall by the wayside, unable to live up to the ideals. Such people inevitably cite a multitude of reasons for dropping out; from family problems to the fear of being 'exposed' as a National-Anarchist. But behind the excuses lies just one reason: the fact that they are not prepared to make even the smallest of sacrifices within their own lives to help us gain victory. Needless to say, we can well do without such people. In place of people such as this we seek a new type of individual, someone who is prepared to put his or her ideals before anything else. Here is the mark of a true revolutionary; an activist in the unselfish service of race and nation. And rest assured, never has our vision been in greater need of such individuals.

In this modern era the concept of sacrifice is anathema to virtually everyone. Modern man laughs at the idea of sacrifice. He proclaims: 'If I do a job I want paying for it. I never do anything for nothing.' Such a man has no understanding of higher ideals and knows even less about how to fight for them. It is because of such people and their selfish egocentrism that our civilisation is in such decay. One notable exception to this decline in idealism is that given to us by Hamas fighters waging a war of liberation in Zionist-occupied Palestine and, in particular, the men within their ranks who are prepared to die for their beliefs. Such heroism in the face of overwhelming odds is inspired. It shows us that the concept of personal sacrifice in pursuit of a political goal is not dead. It also shows that where such an ideal is harnessed and used it becomes a deadly force that cannot be beaten. Zionist Jews know all about the consequences of the Palestinian uprising and, make no mistake, they fear it.

If we are to win then we must follow such a example, an example born of purity of thought and action. We must endeavour to go down this road because it is the only road that will lead us to victory. Our ideals must inspire in us the same level of dedication and fanaticism, they must give us the same inner strength which breeds invincibility. Only if we can achieve this will we become a force capable of confronting and beating our enemies. In working towards this aim there are two immediate goals that must be achieved by everyone. Firstly, we must not be like other men and women, people who are solely the product of corporate advertisers, media propagandists, the liberal agenda and the materialist ethos. We must set ourselves apart and become true followers of the revolutionary way. Only when we are ideologically free of the System can we attack it with the clarity of vision needed to defeat it. Secondly, our goal must be to fight. Always to fight. If we are fighting, then we are winning. If we put down the sword, then we have already lost. This fight demands loyalty and it demands commitment. If we are not prepared to give our blood, sweat and tears then we will achieve nothing. There will be no advance and no victory. Nothing is more certain.

The ideal of sacrifice is not new. We revolutionaries have been pushing both it and the relationship between sacrifice and victory for a number of years. But whilst in the past these words seem to have fallen on deaf ears, they are now being taken seriously by dedicated revolutionaries. It is testimony to the strength of the National-Anarchist revolutionary that after all the betrayals and sell-outs of recent years, there has emerged a new mode of dedicated and dogged fanaticism. It is in this atmosphere, cleansed of compromise, that the possibility exists for moving the revolutionary cause into a new and more threatening position. For the sake of our future communities and their people the opportunity must be seized.

Further Reading:
Julian Beck, Hitler's Children: The Story of the Baader-Meinhof Terrorist Gang, Pickwick Books, 1989.
Hakim Bey, Millennium, Autonomedia, 1996.
Hakim Bey, TAZ: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Autonomedia, 2003.
Gordon Carr, The Angry Brigade: A History of Britain's First Urban Guerrilla Group, Gollancz, 1975.
Roy Clews, The Struggle of MAC and the Free Wales Army, Y Lolfa, 1980.
Corneliu Z. Codreanu, For My Legionaries, Liberty Bell Publications, 1990.
Corneliu Z. Codreanu, Legion: The Nest Leader's Manual, Liberty Bell Publications, 1990.
ENM, Revolutionary Action: A Booklet for the Cadre, The Rising Press, 1995.
Julius Evola, Men Among the Ruins, Inner Traditions, 1992.
Ean Frick, Assault the Mainframe: Texts from the Urban Guerrilla Movement, Ean Frick Kollective, 2005.
John Jenkins, Prison Letters, Y Lolfa, 1981.
Peter Kropotkin, Act for Yourselves, Freedom Press, 1988.
H.L. Mencken, The Philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche, See Sharp Press, 2003.
Sergei Nechayev, Catechism of the Revolutionist, The Rising Press, 2000.
Troy Southgate, Tradition and Revolution, Arktos Publishing, 2010.
Peter Töpfer, Hans Cany & Troy Southgate, Nationalanarchismus: Manifest und Texte, Eigner Verlag, 2004.
Tom Vague, Televisionaries: The Red Army Faction Story 1963-1993, AK Press, 1994.
Tom Vague, Anarchy in the UK: The Angry Brigade, AK Press, 1997.